Updated: Jun 18
I am currently in California for summer school. On a rare free afternoon, our group visited the Richard Nixon Presidential Library in Yorba Linda - his birthplace, where a small white frame house still stands on the manicured library grounds. As a Vietnamese visitor, an education policy researcher, I walked out of that archive with far more to think about than I ever expected.
The Yellow Pad: Thinking vs. Posturing
I have always been drawn to other people's handwritten notes in a way I can't entirely explain - their postcards, their marginalia, their discarded to-do lists. In the library, one specific archival note stopped me entirely. Dated December 6, 1970, and written in the Lincoln Room with a list of qualities Nixon needed to project or become:
Compassionate – humane – fatherly – warmth.Hope, Confidence in future, Optimism. Courage – willingness to stand alone for what is right. Candor – Honesty – openness – trustworthy.Vitality – Youth. Enjoyment – Zest. Purpose – goals for generation – vision. Dignity – respect – prestige – a man people can be proud of. Hard work – dedication. Open Mindedness – listen to opposing views. Unifier – fairness to opponents – and end bombast, hatred, division."
The list reads less like a record of private conviction and more like a corporate brand brief. a man writing down instructions on who he wants the public to believe he is. Compassionate. Noble. A unifier. These are the exact qualities that the historical record would most violently complicate. He wasn’t discovering these values in quiet meditation; he was engineering their projection.
Yet, the pads show another side of him. He used them for meticulous, long-range planning, drafting five-year and ten-year outlines (even down to notes reminding himself that regular church attendance should remain part of his public routine).
Source: Author's image from Nixon Library
Before his historic 1972 China trip, he worked through pages of intense diplomatic analysis, breaking down exactly what each side needed from the negotiation and identifying where mutual interests could align.
It was one of the first times I had seen someone use legal pads purely as an instrument of thought — not to draft, not to record, but to think. In the archives I had visited in Vietnam, handwritten notes always served a terminal purpose: finalizing an article, logging a reading, fixing something already half-formed. These yellow pads were different. They were a mind working in real time.
When the Record Turns Against You
Nixon didn't only write; he recorded. He had a secret, voice-activated taping system installed throughout the White House—the Oval Office, the Cabinet Room, his private office in the Executive Office Building, and the phone lines. It was a comprehensive net that captured thousands of hours of raw conversation without the knowledge of most people in the room.
While previous presidents had selectively recorded conversations, Nixon was the last to utilize such a totalizing system.
The very tapes meant to preserve his preferred version of events
became the bulletproof evidence that destroyed his presidency.The infamous "Smoking Gun" tape from June 23, 1972—recorded just six days after the Watergate break-in—captured Nixon explicitly directing the CIA to pressure the FBI into blocking its investigation. He had spent months telling the public he knew nothing. The tape proved otherwise. The Supreme Court eventually ruled 8–0 in United States v. Nixon (1974) that he had to surrender the recordings. He resigned sixteen days later.
I find myself sitting with a question that doesn't have a clean answer: Why does the habit of recording your own life so often backfire? There is a fundamental psychological difference between the mediums:
The Spoken Word: Spoken conversation is emotional, fluid, and often carried by transient anger or unfiltered impulses.
The Written Word: Writing forces you to observe your own thoughts. You think more deeply when you write because you must consciously choose what is worth preserving on paper.
Recording captures the unvarnished, uncritical self. If a person spends their life pretending, the tapes reveal exactly how long and how aggressively they had to act to maintain the illusion.
Therein lies the deeper irony: both the yellow pads and the taping system sprang from the exact same impulse. He wanted to control his legacy. He was meticulous about history in a way that suggests someone who was always performing for a future audience. Yet, that desperate desire to author his own historical image is what produced the exact evidence that made the image uncontrollable.
Policy: The Coexistence of Diplomacy and Destruction
War, Empire, and the Cost of "Honor"
Vietnam is the part of Nixon’s presidency that I feel most intimately. Nixon entered office in 1969 promising "peace with honor." His administration pursued Vietnamization—gradually withdrawing American ground troops while transferring the burden of combat to the South Vietnamese military. Yet, this withdrawal did not mean the war shrank. Instead, the conflict bled into Cambodia and Laos, and massive American bombing campaigns brought unprecedented destruction across Indochina.
What struck me most at the library’s casualty display was the staggering, unbridgeable gap between American military deaths and Vietnamese deaths (North and South combined). I found myself wondering:
How accurately were those millions of lives counted?
By whom were they counted?
Does this potrait certain political message of that framing at the time loss of the American lives. I would be curious of the same statistical reports published by the North Vietnam sides.
The expansion into Laos — the "Secret War" — was conducted entirely outside public knowledge, a direct consequence of Vietnamization's logic: withdraw American bodies, but deepen the violence elsewhere. The costs were borne by people who had no voice in the negotiation and no place in the eventual peace: lives lost, landscapes poisoned, health consequences that would pass down through generations across Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam.
"Peace with honor" was, in practice, symbolic honor for one nation — paid for in millions of lives across a fractured region.
The Environment as a Public Good
During his administration, the United States created the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and adopted sweeping legislative frameworks like the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) and the Clean Air Act of 1970. These moves made environmental protection a permanent, institutionalized federal responsibility.
Was it a genuine conversion, or just a tit-for-tat political calculation to appease an angry public? The lesson is ambiguous: imperfect, calculating political actors can still produce lasting public institutions worth defending.
Criminal Justice, Race, and the Carceral State
In 2015, I gave a presentation on private prisons at Indiana University Bloomington. One of the key takeaways was that America's War on Drugs created the perfect economic conditions for the private prison industry to explode. In 1971, Nixon declared drug abuse "public enemy number one." While his administration initially funded treatment and rehabilitation alongside enforcement, it was the violent language of war that endured. Once drug use was framed as an enemy to be defeated rather than a public health crisis to be treated, the policy logic shifted permanently toward hyper-policing, aggressive prosecution, and mass imprisonment.
There was a crucial legal pivot that allowed this to happen. In Robinson v. California (1962), the Supreme Court ruled that a state could not criminalize the status of being an addict—treating addiction as a disease rather than a crime. The Nixon administration effectively bypassed this public health framework by heavily criminalizing the possession of even trace amounts of controlled substances. You couldn't jail someone for being an addict, but you could jail them for what was in their pocket.
The consequences were devastatingly unequal. Drug enforcement fell disproportionately on Black and Latino communities, while identical drug use in affluent white communities was treated as a private family matter. This highlights the perverse incentives of privatizing public goods. A private prison company's revenue relies directly on bed occupancy. While the theoretical purpose of criminal justice is public safety and rehabilitation, the business model of a private prison is maximum incarceration. When you hand public policy over to market logic, the institution begins working directly against the people it is meant to serve.
Education Policy & Nixon Administration
Gender: Access Granted, Care Denied
The legislative record of 1972 is staggering: Title IX banned sex discrimination in federally funded education, and the Basic Educational Opportunity Grants laid the foundation for the modern Pell Grant. Both opened the doors of higher education wider for women than ever before.
Yet, almost simultaneously, Nixon vetoed the Comprehensive Child Development Act of 1971. His veto message explicitly rejected what he called:
"...communal approaches to child rearing over against the family-centered approach."
With one hand, his administration expanded structural access to universities; with the other, it intentionally dismantled the childcare infrastructure that would have allowed women to actually utilize that access. Childcare costs remain one of the primary drivers of the wage ceiling for women today. Nixon happily signed off on the rhetoric of equality, but flatly refused to fund the public infrastructure required to realize it.
Race: Compliance as the Ceiling
On paper, Nixon's racial record in education looks substantial:
The desegregation of over 1,300 Southern school districts.
$1.5 billion channeled through the Emergency School Aid Act.
The Indian Education Act of 1972, giving tribes actual input over federal funds.
But this progress was deeply cynical. Nixon had won the presidency using the Southern Strategy, openly courting white voters by opposing mandatory school busing. He routinely instructed his subordinates to enforce desegregation only to the absolute minimum extent that the law required.
Leaving with Contradictions
The Nixon Library does exactly what presidential libraries are built to do. It lists milestones, highlights achievements, and contextualizes the ugly scandals. It isn't explicitly dishonest — the raw facts are technically there — but the selective emphasis forms a quiet defense, all the more effective for how neutral it looks. What you take away from an archive depends entirely on what you bring inside. I entered as a Vietnamese visitor, a policy researcher, and a keeper of yellow pads. I left thinking about the vast gap between who a person writes themselves into being and what history eventually proves them to be.
Sources & Further Reading
Primary Documents & Speeches
White House Tape, Conversation 741-2 ("Smoking Gun" recording), June 23, 1972. Nixon White House Tapes. National Archives and Records Administration.
Nixon, Richard M. Special Message to Congress on Drug Abuse Prevention and Control, June 17, 1971. The American Presidency Project, UC Santa Barbara.
Nixon, Richard M. Veto Message on the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1971, December 9, 1971. The American Presidency Project.
Legislation & Court Decisions
Education Amendments of 1972 (Title IX; Pell Grants). Public Law 92-318. June 23, 1972.
United States v. Nixon, 418 U.S. 683 (1974).
If you want to dig deeper into this era, the History Hit Podcast has excellent, multi-part audio deep dives on the Watergate break-in. You can also explore digitized archives directly via the official Richard Nixon Presidential Library Website.